Israel's
Orchestra Celebrates but Sounds a Note of Caution
The Israel Philharmonic marked its 75th
birthday with star-studded concerts, and questions about the future
"Pianist Evgeny Kissin,
his shirtsleeves flashing treble clef cufflinks, strove manfully to avoid dripping sweat over his Steinway grand piano" ...
Click Here By Jenni Frazer, January 12, 2012
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Canada
Gets Tough on Anti-Semitsim
Avi Benlolo, President and CEO of the Friends of Simon
Wiesenthal Center Double Click on pic to read Article (click refresh button if page doesn't load correctly) (Forwarded by Evgeny Kissin 02.10.11)
Star Soloists,
Renowned Orchestras in Korea
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Israel Philharmonic Orchestra Proms concert disrupted
by protest - video
Friday
2 September 2011
Thursday's BBC Proms performance by the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra at London's Royal
Albert Hall was interrupted by protests by the pro-Palestinian group BDS London. A live broadcast of the concert on BBC Radio
3 was taken off air because of 'sustained audience disturbance'. The performance continued after the demonstrators
left the venue
PERSONAL COMMENT: A disgrace - utter disgrace!!! (Susanne
James - Site Administrator)
Why won't the Met Police prosecute
those who disrupted the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra?
Is the
policy of the Metropolitan Police and Crown Prosecution Service to not apply the criminal law of England and Wales to those
who disrupt Israeli arts events even if the evidence is there?
Click on Pic to Read Article
Queensland Symphony's Limp Grand Piano tuned up
to Kissin Quality
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An open letter to the Rt Hon David Cameron MP
Melanie
Phillips : Thursday, 5th May 2011
Dear Prime Minister,
I
was interested to read that, when you met Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu this week, you said:
‘Britain is a good friend of Israel and our support for
Israel and Israel's security is something I have described in the past, and will do so again, as unshakeable.’
I wonder, therefore, if you make
a habit of threatening your friends? For you also said that unless Israel ‘engages seriously in a meaningful peace process’
with the Palestinian Authority, the more likely it is that Britain will endorse the ‘State of Palestine’ for which
the PA is expected to seek recognition at the UN in September.
This is not the behaviour of a friend so much as the kind of intimidation that is more reminiscent
of a Mafia protection racket.
First of
all, you have incomprehensibly decided to pressurise the victim in this conflict to make peace with her aggressor, even though
the victim is the one party that constantly tries to make peace while the aggressor does not. It is the PA which has refused
to negotiate with Israel, not the other way round, on the spurious grounds that Israeli expansion of Jewish homes beyond the
‘Green Line’ is a bar to negotiations.
I
wonder whether you might explain to both Britain and the Jewish people why you do not insist that Mr Abbas ‘engages
seriously in a meaningful peace process’ by unambiguously renouncing – in both English and Arabic – his
repeated assertions that his people will never accept Israel as a Jewish state, the casus belli of the entire conflict?
I wonder also if you might explain to both
Britain and the Jewish people why you implicitly endorse the racist ethnic cleansing inherent in the putative ‘State
of Palestine’ which the PA says it will declare – a state in which Mr Abbas has repeatedly declared that not one
Jew will be allowed to live -- but which you have now threatened to support? I’m sure the British people in particular
would be interested to know when you decided that racism and ethnic cleansing were part of your modernising programme for
the Conservative Party.
Next, I wonder
if you might clarify for us exactly why the British government has welcomed the alliance entered into between Hamas and Mr
Abbas’s Fatah, and why you believe that this will advance the cause of peace. As you know, your government still regards
Hamas as a terrorist organisation. More than that, Hamas is explicitly committed to the destruction of Israel and the genocide
of the Jews, a platform from which is has explicitly stated this week that it will not resile. And as you know, following
the killing of Osama bin Laden the leader of Hamas in Gaza, Ismail Haniyeh, condemned the ‘assassination of a Muslim
holy warrior’ -- while for their part the Al Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, the terrorist department of the Fatah organisation
that you do not appear to think is an obstacle to peace, called bin Laden’s death ‘a catastrophe’ and vowed
to step up the jihad to establish the dominance of Islam in the world.
I’m sure we are all agog to learn why you, a Conservative Prime Minister and the supposed ally of America
in the defence of the free world, have chosen not only to applaud and promote a coalition which includes genocidal fanatics
who are in bed with both al Qaeda and Iran, but why you are also threatening their victim, Israel, that Britain will endorse
a state run by this genocidal coalition unless Israel itself enters into negotiations with it. To carry on with the Mafia
analogy, this is akin to threatening someone that if they do not put a gun in their mouth and pull the trigger you will set
the Mob on them to achieve the same result.
I’d
be grateful if you could explain to us why you support the killing of the leader of al Qaeda, as well as sanctions against
Iran on the grounds that both represent an unconscionable threat to the free world, and yet at the same time demand of Israel
that it makes concessions to a coalition made up of the allies of Iran and al Qaeda. I’m sure we’d all like to
know, if this is how you treat your ‘friends’, how you would treat your enemies.
I realise, Prime Minister, that before you achieved high office your knowledge
of and interest in foreign affairs was hovering around the zero mark. As a result, it is likely that your only knowledge of
the Middle East comes from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, which has a history of virulent antagonism towards the Jewish
people. I would also expect, however, that you have an eye to your own place in history, and that you would probably like
to be viewed by future generations as the British Prime Minister who stood shoulder to shoulder with the victims of genocidal
aggression against their destroyers, rather than the other way round.
If you are to get this the right way round and thus avoid such posthumous infamy, it is vital that
you come to realise the key point about the Middle East impasse. To arrive at a solution, it is imperative first of all correctly
to identify the problem. The problem in the Middle East is not the absence of a state of Palestine. Were that the case, the
problem would have been resolved when such a state was first mooted long before World War Two. The problem is instead that
the Arabs wish to destroy the State of Israel. The solution, therefore, is to stop them from continuing to try to do so. And
to achieve that, it is essential that the west stop rewarding them for their attempts.
For the single most important reason for the never-ending nature of the Middle East impasse
is that, uniquely, for more than nine decades the west has rewarded the Arab aggressors and punished their Jewish victims.
And from the start, the western leader of this infernal process, I’m afraid to say, was Britain.
It was the British who, out of sheer breathtaking malice against the Jewish
people, first incited the (hitherto mainly benignly disposed) Arabs against the Jews returning to their ancestral homeland
in Palestine in the early years of the 20th century. It was the British who set out to undermine and reverse their own government’s
policy to re-establish the Jewish national home in the land of Israel. It was the British who reneged on their internationally
binding treaty obligation to settle the Jews throughout Palestine – including the areas currently known as the ‘West
Bank’ and Gaza – with the result that they kept out desperate Jews trying to flee Nazi Europe, causing thousands
to be murdered in the Holocaust. At the same time, they encouraged Arab immigration from neighbouring countries and turned
a blind eye to the pogroms carried out by these Arab newcomers against the Jews whose land it was supposed to be –thus
laying the groundwork for the false claim that the Arabs were the rightful inheritors of the land. And all the time, the British
cloaked this vicious treachery in the honeyed fiction that they were the true friends of the Jewish people and had their interests
at heart.
The history of the British in
this terrible conflict between Jew and Arab is not merely a chronicle of the utmost perfidy and malevolent Judeophobic bigotry.
It is also directly responsible for the continuation of the conflict to this day. For Arab aggression against the Jews has
been rewarded and encouraged from the start, by robbing the Jews of their rightful inheritance and giving great chunks of
it to their aggressors. But if aggressors are rewarded, the inevitable result is more aggression until they achieve their
final terrible aim.
And that very same
process is in evidence today, with Britain’s grotesque endorsement this week of the coalition for genocide and your
government's unconscionable pressure upon Israel to negotiate its own destruction with its mortal enemies. Prime Minister,
the virus of Judeophobia is now rampant once again throughout Europe – let alone in the Arab and Muslim world. And the
fuel for this fire is the set of genocidal falsehoods about the Arab and Muslim war of extermination against Israel, a Big
lie which has turned victim into aggressor and vice versa. Appallingly, the British government is helping stoke this vile
inferno by endorsing many of these falsehoods -- and now, worse still, by actually promoting the coalition of genocide and
turning the screw on its victim. The similarities with the 1930s and 1940s are uncanny and horrifying – similarities
not just with what was allowed to develop in Europe, but also what happened in Palestine itself, the source of today’s
terrible impasse.
Prime Minister, if you
are not very careful indeed history will judge that you re-established a direct line back to the malevolence of the British
in Palestine; back to that terrible time when Britain so foully betrayed the Jewish people and became a party to genocide;
back to the approach which gave genocidal fanatics hope that victory was within their grasp. To stand up against all this
-- the defining madness of our times -- would demand of you, I know full well, the utmost statesmanship and moral courage.
But the alternative is to earn the contempt of decent people everywhere and the scorn of posterity. The choice, Prime Minister,
is yours.
GAZA CELEBRATES AS ISRAELI CHILDREN HAVE THROATS SLIT
By
Tom Gross
(Forwarded by Evgeny Kissin 13.03.11)
Hamas handed out candy last night
as residents took to the streets of the southern Gazan city of Rafah to celebrate the brutal terror attack in Itamar, where
five members of a single Israeli family were murdered in their home, including three children, one of whom was three years
old, and another just one month old. An 11-year old was killed as he lay reading in bed. The children and baby had their
throats slit.
There are photos here. (These are sent with the permission of the grandparents who want people to
see what was done to their family. They have given permission to news media to use these.)
Three other children who survived are now orphaned.
PALESTINIAN
PRIME MINISTER ADMITS ITS TERRORISM, BBC DOESN’T
Even though many Western media failed to report the
attack at all, and those that did (such as the BBC) refused to use the word “terror”, Palestinian Prime Minister
Salam Fayyad said he “clearly and firmly denounces this terror attack.”
Hamas Spokesperson Sami Abu
Zuhri, welcomed the attack. Fatah’s military wing – the al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades – claimed responsibility
for the attack.
“ABBAS ENCOURAGES ATTACKS OF THIS KIND”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu expressed anger that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas of Fatah (the benefactor
of endless goodwill and billions of dollars from the US, European and other governments) refused to properly and swiftly condemn
the terror attack. Netanyahu called upon Abbas to curb the dehumanization of Jews in the Palestinian media and schoolbooks
“once and for all”.
The Palestinian Authority continues to lionize Palestinian suicide bombers in its
media and at schools, and name public squares after them, and Israel argues that this only serves to encourage attacks like
the one perpetrated in Itamar.
THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY AND THE MURDER OF BABIES
Netanyahu also had harsh words for the international community: “A few of the countries that rushed to condemn
Israel at the Security Council for building a home in some area are now prevaricating in issuing a harsh condemnation of the
murder of babies,” the Israeli prime minister said.
Some Israeli politicians said Israel should introduce
the death penalty and apply it to the perpetrators if caught and convicted. “Otherwise European Union politicians will
just pressure the Israeli government to release them from prison as part of ‘the peace process’,” said one.
Evgeny
Kissin recited the Declaration of Independence with raw Zionist pathos and then swept the audience away by playing Chopin
By Ariel Hirschfeld
Published 18:34 17.06.10
Last
week, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem awarded an honorary doctoral degree to the famed Russian-Jewish pianist Evgeny Kissin.
Kissin was one of 10 scholars who were similarly honored this year by the university.
I will not, at the moment, relate to the question of honor - either in general or in particular.
I prefer to write about Kissin's presence at an event in the festive Mexico Building on Mount Scopus, before the actual
degree-conferral ceremony (traditionally held in the campus amphitheater ).
The first event consisted of a string of speeches and short lectures delivered by the
award recipients. Most of the remarks consisted, naturally, of flowery words of gratitude befitting such an occasion. The
exceptions were the riveting comments by writer Ronit Matalon (though this is not the place to discuss them ) and the remarks
by Evgeny Kissin.
Evgeny Kissin at Hebrew University Photo by: Tomer Appelbaum
Following several well-known,
brilliant, sharp-tongued scholars whose words were laced with skeptical irony, it was Kissin's turn to speak. A youngish
man with a boyish face and thick mane of hair, he did not read from a prepared text, but - like a boy who has learned his
lines for some sort of dramatic pageant - delivered in English with a thick Russian accent an emotional speech of love for
Israel and for Jerusalem.
At peak moments
he switched to Hebrew: These included recitation of a lengthy passage from Israel's Declaration of Independence and Psalm
137 ("If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue
cleave to the roof of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy"). He uttered the words with great
pathos and in the same thick Russian accent, sounding exactly like the emotional speech-makers of Zionism during its heroic
times, particularly in the years after World War II and around when the state was being established.
The resemblance to the voices of those speakers, especially to that of
Ben-Gurion, was deep, precise and harrowing. Anyone who did not notice this (because of his young age or lack of familiarity
with the memories of this place ) thought the speaker was an eccentric. I also saw people stifling a sudden guffaw.
But anyone who noticed the similarity felt an astonishment
that was not without fright, in the face of something whole, salient, abounding in emotion and sincerity, belonging to a different
world that existed more than two generations ago (but was actually played out in the 19th century ) - suddenly uttered by
a young man, very much alive, drawing on his life, the Bible, Zionist history and the press. Ancient Zionism. Naive. Emotional
and totally personal. There was nothing "right wing" about this. It was pure Zionism and, at the same time, totally
apolitical.
Upon concluding his amazing
remarks, Kissin sat down at the piano which had been opened for him (a big Steinway, usually reserved for accompanying university
ceremonies ), and without a pause or transition stretched out his hands to the keyboard and played Chopin's Scherzo No.
2 in B-flat minor.
Even the most extremely
thrilling words dissipate like empty shells in the face of this. It was fiery playing, a spectacular and extraordinarily interesting
rendition of the scherzo; mature, very tasteful and bold. The person who emerged from this work was something between a lion
and a young girl. The range of powerfulness and of the tones produced by this pianist was extreme. He moved from the stoniest
textures to the thinnest and airiest, with complete naturalness, utterly convincing. Or, even better: He illustrated by his
playing that it is possible.
If only we
could have heard what this piano whispered to itself during those minutes. A mute presence at the back of the stage during
most of the year, it was suddenly called upon to produce a tidal wave of sound, was stretched to the limits of its ability.
Never did it bear witness to such gentleness. A spirit of sublimity passed through the hall. The playing shattered the ceremony.
When it was over, the whole audience stood up, overwrought.
I am not glorifying this performance at the expense of the achievements of the scholars who were there. But
in those moments they were far from their moments of enlightenment, and like the entire audience were caught up in a ceremony,
which like every festive event is stultified by politeness and rules of decorum that have absolutely nothing in common with
the heavenly tempestuousness of feeling that is innate in art. Those minutes were a rare lesson in the surprising, destructive,
mocking, cutting power of art when it is suddenly revealed in all its fullness, in the way it slashes vertically through life's
being.
When the applause ended, Kissin
returned to his seat. A youngish man, odd, with a boy's face and a thick mane of hair. The program was then resumed.
What are we to make of this spectacle? The
strange speech, which seemed to come from other times, and the playing, which above all was daring. And even if the music
dates back almost two centuries - nothing in it is old or not up-to-date. It was totally contemporary playing of Chopin. Kissin
does not return to familiar modes of interpretation, nor is he eccentric in the least; a clear personal note sounds in his
playing. If he can be compared to any of his great predecessors, then he recalls precisely the young Rubinstein of the 1930s.
Not Rachmaninoff, not Horowitz, not Michelangeli. But Kissin has a clear note, a force and even a forcefulness which could
transform his playing into crude extroversion, were it not interwoven with extraordinary nobility - a nobility that is stronger
than forcefulness.
Furthermore, Kissin's
speech did not belong to the ordinary world of ideas, rather to the special realm that deserves to be called the world of
ideas of the musicians, as distinct from the world of ideas of writers, poets and also philosophers. It seems to me that we
can discern the clear influence of music on their consciousness; theirs is a true, idealistic way of being. Theirs is an innocence
which is manifested in gestures in which there is no place for irony, the naive as defined by Friedrich Schiller: a completeness,
like Achilles or Hector in "The Iliad." The musicians, who every day live the scores of Mozart, Beethoven, Chopin,
Tchaikovsky and Brahms, bring to the world of words something that exists only between the chords: total sincerity.
Without the playing, the words (including the political
views ) of Toscanini, Walter, Lehmann, Casals, Barenboim or Kissin would resemble those of Dostoevsky's idiot: ideals
divorced from any contact with the ordeals of existence, politics, passion, folly and wickedness. In tandem with the music,
however, one suddenly understands not only why they speak in this way, but also that the music lends their words a conceptual
anchor - or, really, a kind of basis within which such verbalizing is perceived to be possible.
Without the playing, Kissin's words would have been embarrassing;
alongside it, they were daring.
Hebrew
University honorary doctorate recipients Dorit Beinisch, Dr. Marcos Aguinis, Evgeny Kissin . .
. . . .
7th June,
2010
Conferment of the honorary doctorates in the Rothberg Amphitheatre on Mount Scopus
Citation: "Musician Evgeny Kissin: A world-renowned musician, he
has captivated audiences with his extraordinary musical gift from a young age, combining genuine musical virtuosity with rare
professional dedication. Moscow-born Kissin debuted with the Ulyanovsk Symphony Orchestra at age 10 and, at age 12, drew much
international attention with his interpretations of Chopin’s Piano Concertos 1 and 2. The first pianist to give a recital
at the BBC Proms and the first concerto soloist to perform at a Proms opening concert, he is universally respected as a leader
of the new generation of young pianists. He is the only classical musician to have won two Grammy awards and is the recipient
of the Musician of the Year Award from the Chigiana Academy of Music in Sienna, of Musical America’s Youngest Instrumentalist
of the Year, and of Russia’s prestigious Triumph and Shostakovich awards. Kissin is a staunch advocate of Israel who
recently diversified his extensive catalogue of recordings by adding recitals of Russian and Yiddish poetry, while his frequent
visits to Israel have enabled local audiences to enjoy his unique interpretations."
It’s been said that musicians should not meddle in politics. It is significantly
less dangerous to engage in pure art.
But let us recall
history. The words spoken in defense of the Palestinians by the late Yehudi Menuhin, often considered the best violinist in
the 20th century, irritated the establishment. The cellist Rostropovich provided shelter in his dacha to the disgraced Solzhenitsyn,
and in doing so fell from grace himself.
I
think that in standing up for Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev, imprisoned in Russia on trumped-up charges of fraud,
all of us hope to focus attention on the Russian leadership’s willful ignorance of the law. Without legal guarantees,
everybody in the state could find themselves unlawfully charged with crimes they didn’t commit.
Khodorkovsky and Lebedev have spent eight years in prison on such charges,
and could face many more, in order to silence their support of democracy. To answer Prime Minister Vladimir Putin’s
cynical pronouncement that "a thief must sit in jail," I would like to offer lines from the great Pushkin:
"And to the nation long shall I be dear For
having with my lyre evoked kind feelings, Exalted freedom in my cruel age And called for mercy toward the downfallen."
A familiar Russian theme — the power
and the poet. It was always rare for the two to be found on the same podium.
Musicians are not and will never be politicians, but this does not mean we have no conscience.
We are professionals in the field of interpretation, and also have the right to a subjective point of view.
The ability to see in music not only aesthetics, but a means to attain
ethical objectives, both ennobles our profession and gives it another meaning. We have a chance to respond to the Russian
poet N. Nekrasov’s words: "You are free not to be a poet, but you have a duty to be a citizen."
To intercede for the cause of justice with sounds, to be in solidarity
with those who are deprived of a voice and deprived of elementary human rights, is the best message we can send.
A very talented and thoughtful man, Mikhail Khodorkovsky
became a threat to a system that’s always been known for totalitarianism and violence. Those in power have always abhorred
anyone who doesn’t obey or worship their system. Those gifted enough to fight it will be targeted for silence.
It’s obvious to the world that the charges
against Mikhail Khodorkovsky are ridiculous. Once the richest man in Russia, he sought to use his wealth as a tool to improve
society. But Russia’s regime simply labeled such efforts as "unjustified" and a "crime."
Those who control Russian society believe that the
easiest way to make their problem go away is to keep Mikhail Khodorkovsky behind bars.
As artists, it’s our duty to raise our voices in a chorus of opposition to drown
out those who seek to humiliate and punish men like Khodorkovsky. Why? Because history has proved men like Khodorkovsky right.
It’s my fervent hope that our sounds
will help give added strength to those who have been unjustly convicted or persecuted. May our music destroy the fetters put
on by those who are venal, perfidious and power hungry. Music liberates for the reason that it promotes harmony.
So listen attentively to what the great composers
(and we, their humble interpreters) have said, and still say, with depth and emotion, preaching the most obvious values of
life: the right to independence of views, the right to self-determination, the right to love ... and to liberty. May our sounds
help those deprived of liberty regain it.
Violinist
Gidon Kremer, a Latvian who left the USSR in 1980 and settled in the West, is artistic director of the chamber orchestra Kremerata
Baltica.
Four personalities of the world of the arts decorated (Translated
from French) Wednesday, June
29th, 2011
Photo: Farida Bréchemier / MCC
On June 29th, Frédéric Mitterrand, put back officer's badges in the order of the Arts and
Letters to Evgeny Kissin, of Commander in the order of the Arts and Letters to Myung-Whun Chung, Commander in the order of
the Arts and Letters to Ismail Serageldin, and of Knight in the order of the Legion of Honour to Claude Ruiz-Picasso.
Evgeny Kissin. Born in 1971, he begins to play the
piano from the age of two years and integrates into six years the Russian Gnessine music academy of Moscow. At the age of
10, he holds the keyboard in the Concerto KV. 466 of the Mozart. Next year, he already gives his first recital in Moscow.
In 1984, he interprets two concertos for piano of Chopin with the Philharmonic orchestra of Moscow. He plays in 1988 and 1989
supervised by Herbert von Karajan the Concerto for piano N 1 Tchaïkovski.
In 1997, Evgeny Kissin received
the price Triumph for its contribution to the culture of Russia. In 2001, was made honorary doctor of Manhattan School of
Music. In 2003, he received the Price Chostakovitch. In 2005, he was received honorary member of Royal Academy of Music of
London. He is also a prize-winner of the Herbert von Karajan Music Prize. He began in 2011 a big tour to States - Unite who
will see him occurring in particular in numerous concerts of chamber music supervised by Yuri Bashmet.
Myung-Whun Chung. At first pianist, he studies the direction of orchestra
in Baskets School of Music of New York, then in Juilliard School. In 1978, he becomes an assistant of Carlo Maria Giulini.
Two years later, he is named a deputy head of the Philharmonic orchestra of Los Angeles. Musical director of the Radio orchestra
of Saarbruck from 1984 till 1990, first invited head of the Teatro Comunale de Florence from 1989 till 1992, musical director
of the Opera of Paris from 1989 till 1994, Myung-Whun Chung manages the most prestigious trainings: philharmonic orchestra
of Berlin, royal Orchestra of Concertgebouw of Amsterdam, the Philharmonic orchestra of Vienna … Main Head of the Orchestra
of the Accademia nazionale di Santa Cecilia of Rome since October, 1997, he is the founder and the musical director of the
Asia Philharmonic Orchestra.
At the same time as his musical activities, he was from 1992 till 1997 an ambassador
with United Nations for the programme of fight against drugs ( UNDCCP) and was named in 1995 " Man of the year "
by Unesco. In 1996, the highest cultural merit ("Kumkuan") was awarded to him by the Korean government for its exceptional
contribution to the musical life in Korea. He was named on the guiding May 1st, 2000 of the Philharmonic orchestra of Radio
France.
Ismail Serageldin. Born in 1944
to Guizeh ( Egypt), Ismail Serageldin is Awarded a diploma by the Faculty of the Engineers of the University of Cairo and
holder of a control and by a Doctorate of the University of Harvard. Before joining the World Bank, he was to advise in urban
and regional planning and taught the universities of Cairo and Harvard.
In 2000, Ismail Serageldin dismissed all
his international responsibilities and returns in Egypt to participate in the big project of resurrection of Bibliotheca Alexandrina,
director of which he will be named next year.
Ismail Serageldin is member of the Egyptian Senate. He also copréside
the African Panel of Biotechnology, is vice-president of the Academy of Science for developing countries ( TWAS) and member
of the board of numerous organizations and international institutions. He is in particular a holder of 22 "Honorary"
Doctorate.
Claude Ruiz-Picasso. Born in 1947,
Claude Ruiz-Picasso is the son of Françoise Gilot and the painter Pablo Ruiz Blasco y Picasso (Picasso). He is the
receiver of the Joint possession Picasso and the founder of Picasso administration. In the death of Pablo Picasso, in April,
1973, five heirs collect his succession, what gives birth to the Joint possession Picasso who becomes an owner of tens of
thousand works of the big Spanish painter.
To fill his missions, of administrator of the Joint possession Picasso,
Claude Ruiz-Picasso based the Picasso company administration, which he manages and which has for warrant to perceive, distribute
and check the rights attached to the monopoly of Pablo Picasso. Picasso administration manages all the demands of authorization
to use the works, the name or the image of Picasso.
Adapted from a speech by the former Commander of British Forces in Afghanistan, who spoke
in Tel Aviv this week to a group of young professionals and IDF soldiers.
It is an honor for me to stand
in the same room as those of you in IDF uniforms. You might think that you’re simply defending your country, but in
fact you are fighting against violent jihadist terrorism for the whole of the Western world, and you are at the front lines
of the battle.
Although not quite a lone voice, mine was certainly a very lonely voice
among the many dozens of speeches endorsing the Goldstone Report and repudiating Israel that were made over the two days of
the UN Human Rights Council hearing after Operation Cast Lead. This is what I said to the Council: “During its operation
in Gaza, the Israeli Defense Forces did more to safeguard the rights of civilians in a combat zone than any other army in
the history of warfare.”
What was behind my comments? Apart from basic decency and humanitarian considerations,
the commanders of the IDF knew, as do British, American and other NATO commanders, how vital to a counterinsurgency conflict
is winning over the hearts and minds of the people, especially in a conflict where they could be sure that killing innocent
civilians is exactly what the enemy would be trying to lure them to do. Because Hamas (like Hezbollah in Lebanon, like the Taliban in Afghanistan and like al-Qaida
and the Shi'a militias in Iraq), use their own people as both tactical and strategic weapons of war.
Hamas
used them on the tactical level as human shields, to hide behind, to stand between Israeli forces and their own fighters,
sometimes forcing women and children to remain in the positions that they would use to launch attacks from.
Hamas
used their people too on the strategic level, luring IDF troops to attack and kill them. People whose deaths would be callously
exploited in the media as a means of discrediting the IDF. And this is exactly what insurgents do almost daily too in Afghanistan,
seeking to provoke NATO and Afghan forces to kill the local people. In these most difficult circumstances, IDF commanders
took unprecedented measures to minimize civilian casualties. When possible, they left at least four hours’ notice to
civilians to leave areas designated for attack, an action that handed a distinct advantage to Hamas.
Attack helicopter
pilots had total discretion to abort a strike if there was too great a risk of civilian casualties in the area. During the
conflict, the IDF allowed huge amounts of humanitarian aid into Gaza, and even unilaterally announced a daily three-hour ceasefire
knowing this would give Hamas vital time and space to re-group, re-equip and re-deploy for future attacks. A factor often
forgotten, but this of course added to the danger to the IDF’s own troops.
The
Israelis dropped a million leaflets warning the population of impending attacks, and phoned tens of thousands of Palestinian
households in Gaza urging them in Arabic to leave homes where Hamas might have stashed weapons or be preparing to fight. Similar
messages were passed on in Arabic on Israeli radio broadcasts.
But despite Israel’s extraordinary measures,
a number of innocent civilians were killed and wounded. This was inevitable. Let us not forget: Hamas was deliberately trying
to lure the Israelis to kill their own people.
Many have contradicted my assertion about the IDF.
But
no one has been able to tell me which other army in history has ever done more to safeguard the rights of civilians in a combat
zone.
In fact, my judgments about the steps taken in that conflict by the IDF to avoid civilian deaths are inadvertently
borne out by a study published by the United Nations itself, a study which shows that the ratio of civilian to combatant deaths
in Gaza was by far the lowest in any asymmetric conflict in the history of warfare.
The UN estimate that there
has been an average three-to one ratio of civilian to combatant deaths in such conflicts worldwide. Three civilians for every
combatant killed.
That is the estimated ratio in Afghanistan: three to one.
In Iraq, and in Kosovo,
it was worse: the ratio is believed to be four-to-one. Anecdotal evidence suggests the ratios were very much higher in Chechnya
and Serbia.
In Gaza, it was less than one-to-one.
This extremely low rate
of civilian casualties flatly contradicts many of Goldstone’s original allegations, and the bleating insistence of various
human rights groups about Israel’s alleged crimes against humanity.
And last month, even Judge Richard Goldstone
changed his mind.
As with Cast Lead, the tragedy of the Gaza Flotilla incident, a year ago, has been widely exploited
as part of the conspiracy to delegitimize Israel.
There is every reason to believe that the activists on board
the Mavi Marmara set out deliberately to provoke the Israeli boarding party into an attack that would cause bloodshed to be
exploited in the world’s media. The Turkish group IHH was prominent among the organizers of the flotilla, and had purchased
the Mavi Marmara for that purpose.
As well as being a genuine humanitarian aid group, the IHH is a radical Islamic
organization. The IHH is vehemently anti-Israel and anti-America, and has extensive connections with international jihadist
groups, including al-Qaida. According to a French investigative magistrate specializing in terrorism, the IHH played an important
role in an al-Qaida plan to carry out a mass-casualty attack at the Los Angeles International Airport on the eve of the millennium.
Many who should know better have stridently proclaimed that the Gaza blockade itself is illegal. But does not the
government of Israel the right – the duty – to protect its citizens against the re-arming of Hamas and other jihadist
groups in Gaza, which continue to attack the civilian population with rockets, and undoubtedly desire to expand their conflict
in line with the proclaimed objective of destroying Israel as an entity?
Today, Israel faces a conspiracy of delegitimization,
which aims to give validity and justification to attacks on Israel by groups such as Iran’s proxies Hamas and Hezbollah,
allowing them to strike at Israel with impunity, and encouraging the view that any retaliatory or defensive measures by Israel
are by definition disproportionate and should be criminalized.
The more traction this idea is allowed to gain,
the greater the instability between Israel and its neighbors. This lessens the chances of any lasting peace, and consequently
increases the blood that will be shed on all sides in the region.
The most powerful weapons in this conspiracy
are legal, diplomatic and media. Fundamentally, we are talking about a war of words, words that are given unprecedented potency
by the internet, by the globalization of the 21st century.
If this is a war of words, we must also use words to
counter attack.
The conspiracy seeks to undermine the right of Israel to exist as an entity. And it is this that
we must stand up against. As we would stand up vigorously against any movement that seriously sought to undermine the existence
of any legitimate, democratic state.
In this war of words, all that is necessary for this evil conspiracy of delegitimization
to triumph is for good men to say nothing. I have enough experience of the IDF to know that the
harsh condemnation all too frequently applied to them, usually by those with an anti-Israel agenda, is, more often than not,
completely unjustified.
Like all other armies, including my own, the IDF is far from perfect. They make mistakes
like other armies, mistakes that are often compounded by the fog and the friction of war. And like other armies, they have
their share of bad soldiers as well as good.
To my personal knowledge, Israel’s armed forces and security
services have often proved to be firm friends of Britain and the British people. Two events stand
out in my mind.
The first happened when I was sent out to be Commander of British Forces in Afghanistan in 2003.
We were confronted with an enemy whose many tactics included suicide bombings. This was the first time British troops had
to confront suicide attackers, and we had no policy with which to counter them. I telephoned an Israeli contact of mine, who
arranged for a Brigadier-General in the IDF to meet with me in London.
This man (at the time, serving as a full-time
commander of an operational unit) took the time to fly to Britain within two days. For four hours, we sat in a lobby in a
London hotel. He spoke; I took notes. And it was from that meeting that my policy for countering suicide bombers in Afghanistan
was devised – a policy that was subsequently adopted by all British forces, and has saved lives.
The second
incident occurred a couple of years later, after the terrorist attacks in London on July 7, 2005. We in the UK were deeply
shaken by the attacks, the first suicide bombings Britain had experienced at home. At the time I was working for Cobra, the
UK national crisis management committee. Very soon after the terrorists struck, I received a call from my contacts in the
Israeli security forces who offered every assistance they could provide. I received few other such calls from our allies around
the world.
It was then that we knew who our real friends are.
A new date has been set for Evgeny Kissin’s
Liszt concert in Jerusalem. The maestro will perform on February 16, 2011 at 20:30 at the Jerusalem International Convention
Center. Originally scheduled to launch a world tour dedicated to the works of Franz Liszt in Jerusalem on January 8, 2011,
Kissin was compelled to cancel the concert due to illness.
This concert is of special significance as it was initiated by Kissin,
with the President of the Jerusalem Music Centre, Murray Perahia, Lady Annabelle Weidenfeld, members of the Centre’s
advisory board, and the Jerusalem Foundation, to raise funds to encourage and nurture the development of outstanding young
pianists at The Jerusalem Music Centre. All profits from this special concert will be generously donated by Kissin for this
purpose.
Concert Program:
Franz Liszt (1811-1886)
Ricordanza (Etude d’Execution Transcendante No. 9) Sonata in B-Minor Funerailles Vallee d’Obermann Venezia e Napoli (Gondoliera, Canzona, Tarantella)
The concert will take place February 16, 2011 at 20:30 at Binyanei Hauma, the Jerusalem
International Convention Center. Concert tickets may be purchased through Bimot: www.bimot.co.il or call 02-6237000.
A Servant of Music 01/07/2011
01:29 By MAXIM REIDER
Russian pianist Evgeny Kissin launches
a world tour with a concert in Jerusalem
Accomplished pianist Evgeny Kissin will perform a solo recital on January 8, for the first time
in Jerusalem. The recital will be devoted entirely to works by Franz Liszt, to mark the 200th anniversary of the composer’s
birth. The concert launches Kissin’s world tour with this special program, which he will perform in the most distinguished
venues in the world, including La Scala, Concertgebouw and Carnegie Hall.
This special event was initiated by Kissin, together with the president
of the Jerusalem Music Center Murray Perahia, Lady Annabelle Weidenfeld, a member of the center’s advisory board, and
the Jerusalem Foundation. Their main objective is to raise funds for the encouragement and nurturing of outstanding young
pianists at the Jerusalem Music Center.
Born
in Moscow in 1971, Kissin began playing the piano at the age of two. He entered the Moscow Gnessin School of Music when he
was six and came to international recognition at the age of 12, performing Chopin’s piano concertos in the Great Hall
of the Moscow Conservatory with the Moscow State Philharmonic, under the baton of Dmitri Kitaenko.
Since his first appearance outside Russia in 1985, Kissin has played with
leading orchestras and conductors, performing in the world’s greatest concert halls and winning numerous awards for
his contribution to classical music.
A
few days before the concert in Jerusalem, Kissin, who prefers written interviews to those done over the phone, responded to
some questions posed by The Jerusalem Post.
You delved into the world of professional music at a very young age. How did it feel as a child to suddenly
have a lot of adults around you, reacting excitedly to your performance?
It felt completely natural because playing music was my favorite activity
since early childhood. I don’t think I cared much about the “excited reaction” of my listeners, but I always
loved playing for other people. At my very first solo recital, which I gave at the Composers’ House in Moscow when I
was 11 and a half years old, lots of seats had to be put on stage because there were only 600 seats in the hall, and many
more people came. When my piano teacher, Anna Kantor, asked me afterwards whether the audience members who were sitting on
stage around me were disturbing me, I immediately expressed the way I felt: “No, they were helping me!” A few
years ago, when I started reflecting upon those things, I realized that my love for playing in public was caused by a natural
desire to share with other people things I loved, things that were important and dear to me.
Is the audience important for you now?
Yes, they are of vital importance for me. It is for them that I do what
I do. I can’t understand it when some journalists ask me, ‘When you start playing a concert, do you try to forget
about the audience?’ How could I possibly and why on earth should I try to forget about the audience when it is for
them that I go on stage and play?!
Has
your attitude toward the audience changed over the years?
No, I haven’t noticed any changes in myself in that respect.
Was there any transition from the state of being a child prodigy
to that of a mature musician?
You
know, when I was a child, many of my listeners, professional musicians, used to say that the term ‘child prodigy’
didn’t fit me because I played like a mature musician.
You’ve been studying for your entire life with the same teacher, Anna Pavlovna Kantor.What
is her secret?
Besides her
natural talent and skills, she is a person of truly amazing integrity who has devoted her whole life to teaching piano. She
never had a family of her own, but she rightly calls herself ‘a mother of many children.’ What is that thing she
knows as a teacher that attracts you? It’s not something she knows; it goes far beyond that. I think that our personalities
simply matched extremely well. Thinking back, I realize how lucky I was in that respect because this is extremely important.
Aside from your teacher,
what is the driving force behind your advancement in music?
Music itself.
Has there been any advancement or development in music?
Music, like all arts, is developing all the time. And this applies not
only to art: If there is no development, there is no life.
How has your understanding of music, of its drama, changed since you were a child?
When I was a child, it was not really understanding but rather feeling
of music – or one could say: intuitive understanding. Of course, it’s impossible to play well without the natural
feeling of music at any age; but as a child grows older, feeling alone can no longer be enough.
How do your preferences in repertoire change over the years?
I don’t think they
do. My tastes have always been very broad, for as long as I remember, and I have always been trying to expand my repertoire
in all possible directions. On the other hand, I never bring a piece to the public unless I feel that I am able to play it
well.
How do you choose new
pieces?
That is very easy:
from the pieces I love – of whic h there many! We pianists are extremely lucky: The piano repertoire is so vast,
that I only hope to live long enough to learn everything I want to play.
How do you prepare a new work?
There is no special method. I just sit down and start working – and then the music
itself tells me what to do. Then, at a certain stage, after I have formed my own conception and am able to execute it, I start
listening to other people’s performances of the piece and learn from them. Even if I don’t like someone else’s
performance, that also helps because then I know even better what I want to do.
Are the circumstances of a composer’s life a factor when you work on a new piece?
For certain pieces they are. If they had a direct influence on the piece – like Beethoven’s ‘Moonlight
Sonata,’ for example. However, the most important thing is the music itself.
What is important for you to consider in a performance?
To approach the level of the music performed as closely as
possible. Of course, only the greatest performance can reach it sometimes; but nevertheless, we should all try to approach
it as closely as our modest capabilities allow us .
What
are your interests outside music?
Life
itself. Different aspects of it. Of course, some of those don’t interest me at all. As Socrates said, ‘There are
so many things in the world that I don’t need.’ In my free time, I like reading, sightseeing and spending time
with other people: with my friends or with people whom I may not necessarily be able to call friends but whom I like and find
interesting.
Once I went to an astrologer
who, having made my natal chart, said to me, ‘Of the 10 planets, you’ve got seven in the air and none on earth.
That’s why you don’t care about material things at all, but you are interested in ideas and you like spending
time with people who provide you with interesting ideas.’ I could not describe myself better.
I imagine that coming from an assimilated Russian-Jewish background,
being Jewish was not at the center of your universe?
Yes, it was – since an early age, in spite of the fact that I, indeed, grew up in an assimilated
family and knew nothing about Jewish history, let alone religion. When I was a child, I wrote a will (yes!) the content of
which, I believe, reveals a lot. It read as follows: ‘When I die, bury me in a forest outside Moscow so that the stone
under which my ashes will be lying would hardly be seen in the grass and look like this ...’ – and I drew a rectangle
with five lines and a G clef on them and the following inscription: ‘Here lies Evgeny Kissin, a son of the Jewish people,
a servant of music’ – and my life years. See, that’s how I identified myself already as a child. At that
time I couldn’t imagine that I would live anywhere else than Moscow, and I didn’t know any Jewish symbols, only
musical ones!
But this upcoming
concert is clearly a statement. Does it mean that now you feel more identified with the Jewish people than in the past? What
has caused this change?
The
only thing that has changed is that I started speaking about my Jewish identity in public. I never did before. Not because
I, God forbid, was ashamed of it in any way, but on the contrary, for the simple reason that it was always something extremely
special for me and therefore not to be talked about in public – like love, for example (that’s, by the way, why
I hate talking about music as well). But about a little over a year ago, I felt that I had to do it in order to counter the
raging anti-Israel hysteria in much of the world. Since I was well known and hundreds of thousands of people all over the
world were coming to my concerts and buying my recordings, I felt that I had to tell them: “If you like my art, this
is who I am, who I represent and what I stand for.”
What can you, as a person, do to advance the Israeli cause?
I am trying to do what I can: putting pro- Israel material (whose authors
are mainly non- Jews, many of them are Arabs) on my fan club site, giving interviews in support of Israel.
Do you believe that an individual has the power to change
things in the world order?
Each
one of us can only do so much. So the more good people who are active, the better.
The concert takes place tomorrow at 8:30 p.m. in Jerusalem at the International Convention
Center. The program features the following pieces by Franz Liszt: Ricordanza (Etude d’Execution Transcendante No. 9),
Sonata in B-Minor, Funerailles, Vallee d’Obermann, Venezia e Napoli.
Source NB: This concert was re-scheduled for 16th February
2011 due to a suddden illness of Evgeny Kissin on the original planned date
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